PIRUS-D3: Desistance, Disengagement, and Deradicalization

The Profiles of Individual Radicalization in the United States—Desistance, Disengagement, and Deradicalization (PIRUS-D3) database includes information on 300 United States extremists who desisted from criminal activity, disengaged from extremist groups or movements, and/or deradicalized after their participation in ideologically motivated illegal activities.

Disengagement

Disengagement is the social and psychological process whereby an individual’s commitment to and involvement in violent extremism is reduced to the extent that they are no longer at risk of involvement and engagement in violent activity. Disengagement from using or supporting the use of violence does not necessarily mean a change in an individual’s commitment to a radical or extremist cause. Disengagement involves a change in behavior (renouncing the use of violence) rather than a change in fundamental beliefs (UNODC, 2016). 

Desistance

Desistance from violence is the desired outcome of disengagement and reintegration interventions and it is usually measured by an indicator such as reoffending, reconviction, or reimprisonment for a terrorism-related offence (UNODC, 2016). 

Deradicalization

Deradicalization is the process of changing the belief system, rejecting the extremist ideology, and embracing mainstream values. Deradicalization refers primarily to a cognitive rejection of certain values, attitudes and views—in other words, a change of mind. It implies a cognitive shift, i.e., a fundamental change in understanding resulting from activities intended to help individuals to renounce radical or extreme ideas, beliefs, and groups (UNODC, 2016).

D3 Data

Below is the number of individuals in the database who disengaged, desisted, and/or deradicalized.

• 120 (40%) eventually disengaged from extremist groups/movements and desisted from all forms of criminal activity for at least 5 years, but there was insufficient evidence available to determine if they had altered their underlying extremist beliefs. 
• More than 100 individuals (34%) showed evidence of reaching all three exit outcomes (disengagement, desistance, and deradicalization). 
• 65 (22%) individuals had desisted from ideologically-motivated criminal activity for at least 5 years. However, evidence indicates that these individuals remained engaged with extremist groups and continued to promote extremist beliefs during this period.

Barriers

PIRUS-D3 identified the following barriers to disengagement:

1. Being a member of a close-knit extremist group that includes a friend, family member, or romantic partner (57%)
2. Having a non-ideological criminal history (36%)
3. Having a poor educational background (61%) 
4. Having an unstable work history (31%)
5. Facing issues of substance abuse (18%) and mental illness (5%)
6. Nearly 80% of the far-right extremists struggled with issues of social mobility, including limited educational attainment and poor work performance 
7. Islamist extremists had the highest rates (77%) of membership in close-knit extremist cliques. 
8. Although far-left extremists had relatively low barrier rates compared to extremists from other ideologies, over half (58%) were members of extremist groups that included a close friend, family member, or romantic partner

Implications

PIRUS-D3 data suggests that the risk of recidivism among U.S. extremists is potentially high. 

• More than 49% (149 out of 300) of the extremists in PIRUS-D3 reoffended after their first known instance of ideologically motivated crime. 
• Individuals often experience periods of re-engagement with extremist groups and/or continued criminal activity before achieving a final desistance, disengagement, or deradicalization outcome. 
• U.S. extremists commonly encounter several barriers to successful disengagement or community reintegration after incarceration. Socioeconomic advancements, such as stable jobs or educational opportunities, are often not available to individuals convicted of extremist crimes.

Knowledge Check